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When Empire appeared in 2000, it defined the political and economic challenges of the era of globalization and, thrillingly, found in them possibilities for new and more democratic forms of social organization. Now, with Commonwealth, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri conclude the trilogy begun with Empire and continued in Multitude, proposing an ethics of freedom for living in our common world and articulating a possible constitution for our common wealth.
Drawing on scenarios from around the globe and elucidating the themes that unite them, Hardt and Negri focus on the logic of institutions and the models of governance adequate to our understanding of a global commonwealth. They argue for the idea of the “common” to replace the opposition of private and public and the politics predicated on that opposition. Ultimately, they articulate the theoretical bases for what they call “governing the revolution.”
Though this book functions as an extension and a completion of a sustained line of Hardt and Negri’s thought, it also stands alone and is entirely accessible to readers who are not familiar with the previous works. It is certain to appeal to, challenge, and enrich the thinking of anyone interested in questions of politics and globalization.
employed by capital are a l - lations o f production i n Europe, they focus o n the expansion o f lowed to develop their full productive capacities but are limited i n - productive forces: as feudal relations increasingly obstruct the devel- stead to routine tasks, far from their potential. In the context o f b i o - opment o f productive forces, capitalist relations o f property and ex- political production this has nothing to do w i t h full employment or change emerge to foster them and
ripe fruit, glistening i n the sun, but his arms are arthritic and two basic assumptions: capital w i l l not continue to rule forever, and he is unable to raise them high enough even to harvest the lower it w i l l create, i n pursuing its o w n rule, the conditions o f the mode o f branches. H e suffers hunger pangs but can only watch the delicious production and the society that w i l l eventually succeed it. T h i s is a fruit i n front o f h i m . Finally, w i t h great effort he
the special gifts o f black folk and C e d r i c are confident that readers are already quite familiar w i t h these and Robinson's claims that freedom and power are central to the entire parallel arguments i n other identity domains, i n c l u d i n g hidden tradition o f black radicalism. Linda Z e r i l l i , i n parallel fashion, at- forms o f sexual violence that w o m e n suffer, sometimes under the tempts to reclaim feminism as a practice o f freedom, thus return- cover o f
pathetic it is w h e n politics can be conducted only i n the name o f the nation! In the nation too, o f course, just as i n the family and the corporation, the c o m m o n is submitted to severely restrictive operations: the nation is defined i n ternally and externally by hierarchies and exclusion. T h e nation i n evitably functions through the construction and enforcement o f "a people," a national identity, w h i c h excludes or subordinates all those w h o are different. It is true that
dictators, the w o r k i n g classes vote for r i g h t - w i n g collective social life and, more generally, the constitution o f the parties, and abused spouses and children protect their abusers. Such c o m m o n . "Since fear o f solitude exists i n all men," Spinoza writes, situations are obviously the result o f ignorance, fear, and superstition, "because no one i n solitude is strong enough to defend himself, and but calling it false consciousness provides meager tools for transfor-