Nietzsche and Antiquity: His Reaction and Response to the Classical Tradition (Studies in German Literature Linguistics and Culture)
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This volume collects a wide-ranging set of essays examining Friedrich Nietzsche's engagement with antiquity in all its aspects. It investigates Nietzsche's reaction and response to the concept of "classicism," with particular reference to his work on Greek culture as a philologist in Basel and later as a philosopher of modernity, and to his reception of German classicism in all his texts. The book should be of interest to students of ancient history and classics, philosophy, comparative literature, and Germanistik. Taken together, these papers suggest that classicism is both a more significant, and a more contested, concept for Nietzsche than is often realized, and it demonstrates the need for a return to a close attention to the intellectual-historical context in terms of which Nietzsche saw himself operating. An awareness of the rich variety of academic backgrounds, methodologies, and techniques of reading evinced in these chapters is perhaps the only way for the contemporary scholar to come to grips with what classicism meant for Nietzsche, and hence what Nietzsche means for us today. The book is divided into five sections -- The Classical Greeks; Pre-Socratics and Pythagoreans, Cynics and Stoics; Nietzsche and the Platonic Tradition; Contestations; and German Classicism -- and constitutes the first major study of Nietzsche and the classical tradition in a quarter of a century. Contributors: Jessica N. Berry, Benjamin Biebuyck, Danny Praet and Isabelle Vanden Poel, Paul Bishop, R. Bracht Branham, Thomas Brobjer, David Campbell, Alan Cardew, Roy Elveton, Christian Emden, Simon Gillham, John Hamilton, Mark Hammond, Albert Henrichs, Dirk t.D. Held, David F. Horkott, Dylan Jaggard, Fiona Jenkins, Anthony K. Jensen, Laurence Lampert, Nicholas Martin, Thomas A. Meyer, Burkhard Meyer-Sickendiek, John S. Moore, Neville Morley, David N. McNeill, James I. Porter, Martin A. Ruehl, Herman Siemens, Barry Stocker, Friedrich Ulfers and Mark Daniel Cohen, and Peter Yates. Paul Bishop is William Jacks Chair of Modern Languages at the University of Glasgow.
118 (1972): 1-31. 10 See George E. McCarthy, Marx and the Ancients: Classical Ethics, Social Justice and Nineteenth-Century Political Economy (Savage, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1990); and George E. McCarthy (ed.), Marx and Aristotle: Classical Antiquity and Nineteenth-Century German Social Theory (Savage, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1992). See also the extensive bibliography compiled by McCarthy in Neville Morley (ed.), Helios 26.2 (1999) [Marx and Antiquity]: 165-73. 11 Karl Marx, Capital: A
praise him, “without risk” (ék¤ndunon, 66). In a way, Pindar sends Hieron off as well with the imperative xa›re that abandons all the false theology. In place of the gods, it is the poet himself who plays the prominent role. Pindar distances himself from the slanderers and the envious who wrongly posit a lex talionis and believe in just gods with infinite power. Instead of preaching an eye for an eye—a mechanism doomed to cause dissatisfaction—Pindar offers a much simpler command, both memorable
is usually credited with bringing about Nietzsche’s critical re-assessment, after 1870, of the German state, in9 deed of the state as such, and his transformation into a largely antipolitical cosmopolitan free spirit—“the good European.” This role assigned to Burckhardt as the guardian angel saving Nietzsche’s soul from the nationalist fiends of Tribschen and Bayreuth needs to be re10 considered. “The Greek State” suggests that Burckhardt’s impact on Nietzsche’s thinking was deeply ambiguous and
Nietzsche muses here, “the Athenians would have never had tragedies” (KSA 8, 6, 109). This nexus between cultural excellence and political domination was a central thought in the essay on “The Greek State.” A third way in which the arguments in “The Greek State” reflect Burckhardt’s influence concerns the agonal conception of Greek civilization, and the idea that war functions as a stimulus for culture. These were two important arguments in Burckhardt’s lectures on “Greek Cultural History,”
along with Lucan, that “even the ruins 17 have perished”—they exist only in our minds. Instantly, the timeless Homer of popular and literary imagination became an object of scientific historical analysis and of damning critique, albeit on a somewhat irrational basis (Wolf was at bottom an intuitionist whose touchstone was his philological sensus, or “feeling,” while his science was an ars nesciendi, or an “art of ignorance.”) If the perplexities of Wolf’s stance tended to be repeated rather than