The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC
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This selection of essays by key names in the field of ancient economies in the 'Hellenistic' age (c.330-30BCE), provides essential reading for anyone interested in the evolutionary building blocks of economic history in the eastern Mediterranean and neighbouring regions. Case studies look at management and institutions; human mobility and natural resources; the role of different agents - temples and cities, as well as rulers - in enhancing resources and circulating wealth; the levers exerted by monopolies and by disparate status groups, including slaves. An introductory essay summarizes the operational elements that drove the engines of these economies.
possibly being standard ﬁscal practice in the Seleukid Empire for revenue from land, i.e. a tribute (ekphorion) on a subject community plus a proportional tax (dekatē) on its agricultural produce.30 Demetrios also promised relief from the ‘price of the salt pan(s)’ and ‘the price of the crowns’ and, separately, ‘from the head tax on each person, whatever was owed to me’. These are exactly the same head taxes from which Antiochos had exempted only the Jewish upper classes earlier and conﬁrms that
been mentioned around 393–391 by the son of the Bosporan aristocrat 31 See Bresson 2008: 208–10. There is no room here to investigate in detail the chronological issue. On the role of Kleomenes, see also below pp 83–4 with n. 45. 32 Laronde 1996b: 525–6. 33 Dem. 20.31: ŒÅæýôôåØí ðæþôïıò ªåìßÇåóŁÆØ ôïfò ‰ò ìAò ðºÝïíôÆò. 78 Alain Bresson Sopaios, when pleading in Athens to get back the sum he had deposited with the banker Pasion: ‘You should also have in mind both Satyrus and my father, who
early modern Sicilian ﬁgures are mean values and some years could be above or below these ﬁgures. An exceptional proportion of 33 per cent was extorted in 1392 when enemies captured the island. If indeed the production of ancient Cyrene could reach 810,000 quintals in good years, the 220,570 quintals of the ‘grain stele’ would represent a proportion of 27 per cent, or over one-fourth of the production. We should admit a proportion for export of about 25 per cent. This is still a high level that
for the leasing of a piece of land in Attika mentions ‘an invasion of enemies or the camping of friendly troops’ as a possible cause of problems in its exploitation.20 Not only men needed food. War increases the demand on food for horses, and the inhabitants of Rhamnous regarded it important to mention in honorary decrees for Athenian generals that they had fed the watchdogs in the fortress at their own expense.21 War means also interruption or disruption of trade—especially of the transportation
Neuchâtel: 191–203. —— (2006), ‘La gestion des biens sacrés dans les cités grecques,’ in H.-A. Rupprecht (ed.), Symposion 2003, Vorträge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Rauischholzhausen, 30. September—3. Oktober 2003). Vienna: 233–46. Mulliez, D. (1992), ‘Un document ﬁnancier inédit de la ﬁn du IIe s. av. n. è.’ in J.-F. Bommelaer (ed.), Delphes: Centenaire de la grande fouille» réalisée par l’École française d’Athènes (1892–1903), Actes du colloque Paul Perdrizet,